Нов български университет

Севим Асимова

“One has boxes for each season. That for winter is heavy; that for summer light. It’s by this characteristic feature that one recognizes a man of taste. One is excused for not having a library or a cabinet of natural history when one has 300 snuff boxes…” [Goodman 2005:71-2]

Pre-semiotic history of tobacco consumption

Within a relatively short time after its introduction in Europe, the demand of tobacco grew at extraordinary rates. This statement can be validated by figures concerning tobacco import in England during XVII century. 1603 year is the first one with available satisfactory data for tobacco quantities consumed. In that year, 25 000 pounds of tobacco were imported in England. While in 1700, a century later on this figure jumped to the astonishing amount of almost 38 000 000 pounds [Goodman 2005:56].

Tobacco consumption in England and Wales, 1620 – 1702

Table 1, Source: Goodman 2005:57

Due to information availability, development of tobacco consumption in England till XVIII century at least is much easier to be tracked compared to other European countries. Because of this, the current review pays more attention to England but also includes Holland, France, Austria, and Portugal with phenomenal penetration of tobacco, as well. Interesting is the case with Spain –another culture included in the analysis.

Tobacco consumption became tangible in England around the middle of XVII century. While in the following decades, it transformed into a commodity of mass consumption [Goodman 2005:57]. Tobacco was firstly introduced to England by Sir John Hawkins, a sea captain and slave trader. Its thorough acceptance by the Englishmen and the court before all, was on the other hand merit of Sir Walter Raleigh and its eager role in plant adoption. Sir Raleigh was a charismatic and authoritative persona, close associated to Queen Elizabeth I. These strengths and especially his relationships with the queen made him a successful spokesman of the New World miracle plant. In introducing tobacco to Elizabeth I, Sir Raleigh highlighted that it gave him feeling like no other he had ever known, rid him of pain and sickness, and would do the same for her after few puffs [Burns 2007:21-4].

Most of authority was impressed by the novelty of tobacco which was a prerequisite for acceptance across rest people. Not all stratums however adopted tobacco immediately. Mostly resistant were farmers, miners, fishermen, clerks, craftsmen, smiths, wrights and lower classes. For representatives from these groups, smoking was bizarre, making them angry, afraid, confront the smoker. In the time of first usage, smoking was perceived as a scandalous form of behavior due to the self-assured stance of smoker. But although slowly, masses turned to tobacco following the increasing tendency of usage in the court. A famous place of smoking for the high class was the London’s official hangout Mermaid Tavern. And in general, these were the alehouses known also as “tabagies”. People thought that smoke intoxicate body similarly like alcohol and because of this, they associated smoking with drinking. Tobacco was also selling in the apothecary’s, grocer’s, and chandler’s shops. Englishmen smoked on all public places – in the courtroom, Globe Theater, parks, on their way from home to church and backward [Burns 2007:24-7].

Tobacco usage was glorified by many reputable individuals. These are the properties of smoking tobacco explained by Sir James M. Barrier:

“With the introduction of tobacco England woke from a long sleep. Suddenly a new zest had been given to life. The glory of existence became a thing to speak of. Men who had hitherto concerned themselves with the narrow things of home put a pipe into their mouths and became philosophers. Poets and dramatists smoked until all ignoble ideas were driven from them, and into their place rushed such high thoughts as the world had not known before. Petty jealousies no longer had hold of statesmen, who smoked, and agreed to work together for the public weal. Soldiers and sailors felt when engaged with a foreign foe that they were fighting for their pipes. The whole country was stirred by the ambition to live up to tobacco. Everyone, in short, now had a lofty ideal before him.” [Burns 2007:27-8].

Tobacco was such a big novelty and efforts of Sir Raleigh so influencing that Sir Barrier went even further by suggesting England to be renamed in Raleighland in his honor [Burns 2007:28].

Historians define the Dutch as avid tobacco users. “The smell of the Dutch Republic was the smell of tobacco”, writes the British historian Simon Schama. There are some rough evidence stating that around 1670, tobacco consumption in Holland was about 3 000 000 pounds or 1,5 lb per capita. Thus, tobacco became a mass-consuming commodity in Holland at that time or possibly earlier. Figures also suggest for a possible earlier mass penetration among the Dutch rather than the English [Goodman 2005:57; Burns 2007:32].

During XVII century, tobacco use in France was relatively low – probably, no more than 0,33 pounds per inhabitant. However, consumption rate increased significantly in the following century when the commodity turned to a mass-consumed one [Goodman 2005:58]. Tobacco was introduced in France by Jean Nicot, the French ambassador to the court in Lisbon in 1559. He was the most important figure promoting the weed in France not only as a remedy but as entertainment completely suitable to the social life in the court. Jean Nicot sent tobacco seeds and plants to the French court and the queen mother Catherine de Medici in particular. The plant was very valuable by the queen. Caterine de Medici was curing her frequent migraine with it and was even responsible herself for tobacco cultivation in the country. Because of this, the plant was called Herbe de la Reine and Herbe Medicee in queen’s honor as well as Nicotiana in Nicot’s honor. And the name of the alkaloid nicotine we know nowadays, was named exactly after the French politician Jean Nicot, one of the most influential faces from the history of tobacco [Goodman 2005:47; Burns 2007:29-0].

As about Austria, it is evident that the Austrian State Tobacco Monopoly began operations in 1784 and supplied the Austrian with manufactured tobacco, snuff and smoking tobacco. During this year, the factory produced over 14 000 000 pounds equivalent to more than 1 lb per capita. This assumes that Austria became a mass-consumer of tobacco in the middle of XVIII century [Goodman 2005:58].

The case with Spain was peculiar. Among the biggest European nations, tobacco consumption penetrated most slowly across Spaniards. At first reading, it looks strange due to the fact that Christopher Columbus and his crew were the first Europeans who encountered tobacco in the Americas and bring it in Europe. More than 20 years after Columbus voyage back to the fatherland, Spain were importing limited quantities. Besides, that production was not consumed but used ornamentally. It is assumed that Spaniards were influenced by the fate of Columbus and Rodrigo de Xerez (one of the two Columbus seaman who encountered tobacco the first). Columbus last days were hard and his introduction of the sacred American plant was probably not touching. King Ferdinand deprived him of at least one of his titles and financial stake in the New World trade due to unhappiness of his crews as one of the possible reasons. This led to miserable last days of Columbus. And De Xerez was the only man in his hometown of Ayamonte and probably across the whole Europe at that time so addicted to smoking. It was an offensive sight for people around him which supposed he became ill, lost his mind or trying to shock. And after time, they decided that the devil had possessed him and even reported him to the Inquisition. It deprived de Xerez of his material goods, confiscated his land, and threw him into jail. Thus, Rodrigo de Xerez became the first victim of tobacco in the Old World. Although late, tobacco usage penetrated Spain, as well. Adoption was strongly supported by Nicolas Monardes, a physician in Seville. Because of his profession, Monardes is defined as even bigger influence than Raleigh was [Burns 2007:19-0, 29].

Unlike the neighbor country Spain, tobacco beginning in Portugal was very positive. A ballet was composed in its honor. The staging was the West Indian island of Tobago, known to be the plant place of origin. The performance commenced with the Natives thanks to Gods for giving them tobacco. In front of the scene were the priests, smoking and exhaling deeply and often. The second act displayed the production of various tobacco product and the third one, a dance with players dressed in various costumes to represent diversity of nations who consumed and enjoyed tobacco [Burns 2007:29]. And according to available figures, in the end of XVIII century, the Portuguese consumed around 1 000 000 pounds equal to 0,5 pounds per inhabitant [Goodman 2005:58].

This analysis allows the conclusion that with a possible exception of Holland, the greatest pace and penetration rates of tobacco were registered in England. Although the lack of data for more European countries, another reasonable inference would be that tobacco turned to a mass-consuming product across Europe in the XVIII century, probably by 1750 [Goodman 2005:56-58]. In his work “Tobacco in history – the cultures of dependence” Jordan Goodman specifies that despite the fragmentary nature of the evidence, it is reasonable to argue for a widespread diffusion of tobacco habit – if anything constrained the pace of diffusion, the probable factors are price and availability but not social or cultural rejections [Goodman 2005:61].

Prototype of tobacco consumer as a social actor

Who consumed tobacco? The answer of this question would be everyone. Some evidence supporting that inference are the following:

Visitors to the English-American colonies underlined the near-universal use of tobacco when commenting living in the colonial societies. For the period end of XVII century, a traveler reported his observation on a backwoods settlement:

“Everyone smoke while working and idling. I sometimes went to hear the sermon; their churches are in the woods and when everyone has arrived, the minister and all the others smoked before going in. The preaching over, they do the same thing before parting. They have seats for that purpose. It was here I saw that everybody smokes – men, women, girls and boys from the age of seven.”

Peter Kalm, a Swedish botanist wrote for the people of French Canada, for the time around middle of XVIII century:

“It is necessary that one should plant tobacco, because it is so universally smoked by the common people. Boys of ten or twelve years of age, as well as the old people, run about with a pipe in their mouth… People of both sexes and of all ranks, use snuff very much.”

“Children were permitted to smoke it, too,” writes the English biographer, novelist and critic Peter Ackroyd. For example, instead of having breakfast at school they smoked and were taught on tricks by their masters [Burns 2007:26-7].

Across the different cultures, normally, royalties and aristocracy were the first who accepted tobacco. Then the mass copied the new habit of them [Burns 2007:28].

From medical viewpoint it had been discussed and specified who would use the nicotine therapy. Deriving from Monardes findings and the humoral system, in the times of XVII century it was advised that children and pregnant women should not consume tobacco because they are hot-brained natures. On the other hand, tobacco was said to be best for old men and people living in moist, fenny and waterish places like Holland and Lincolnshire because of their moist and cold-brained natures. According to Monardes, tobacco expelled phlegm and generally warmed and dried the body. While considering genders only, women were also defined as cold and moist which allowed them theoretically to consume tobacco [Goodman 2005:58-9].

“Three Smokers” by David Teniers the Younger

 

Art is another source telling us about the consumer prototype of tobacco in XVII and XVIII centuries. For example, David Teniers, a Flemish painter often choice tobacco as a subject of his canvases, depicting both men and women smoking pipe. Dutch genre painting often portrayed women that were smoking. The gentlewomen were presented in a refine, elegant manner. This was the depiction choice of the Dutch master Gabriel Metsu (“The Sleeping Beauty” painting), the French engraver Nicolas Arnoult (“La Charmante Tabagie” engraving), the French painter Madame Vigee-Lebrun (probably to have created the most famous painting of a woman smoking a pipe) and others possibly [Goodman 2005:59-60].

Tobacco usage modes, rituals and fashions

Before the cigarette invention and its penetration, tobacco was consumed by smoking pipes and cigars, snuffing and chewing referring to different times and cultural needs. We could say that smoking pipe was universal, snuffing – European feature, chewing and cigar – American feature. Another way of smoking was hookah, characterizing Asia.

The three practices involve own methods of consumption. Smoking is the process of inhaling through the mouth smoke produced by the lighted and burning dry tobacco leaves. Snuffing also concerns dry tobacco that is grinded to powder and sniffed directly or through cane. And chewing as the name prompt, represents chewing of tobacco leaves that can be either dry or green ones.

While in terms of manufacture, preparation of tobacco for smoking or chewing was the easier production and the one for snuffing – the more sophisticated one. The manufacture for smoking or chewing consisted only of cutting or shredding the tobacco. While the snuff production included the processes of washing and grinding the leaves, coloring and perfuming [Goodman 2005:67].

Another usage mode mentioned in literature is enema. Also known as clyster, it is a medicine practice implemented rectally by the use of tobacco smoke or infusion. Because of its application for the healing needs only, the below study would not analyze meaning of enema mode.

Sign system of tobacco consumption

In this discourse, we identify the sign system of tobacco consumption before the cigarette invasion. Following the above narrative, we understand that the constructs, playing the role of signs of the system are:

1. Smoking 2. Snuffing 3. Chewing 4. Enema

The current discourse continues with synchronic analysis of each consumption sign (without enema). Chronologically, it will focus on meaning and signification of snuffing – the XVIII century phenomena and sign of magnificence. Smoking, performed by pipe, cigar or hookah will be presented by pipe due to stronger signification compared to the other two artefacts. By having their own sign systems, the usage modes of tobacco and especially smoking and snuffing play the role of signs for self-expression and thus, take part in the language culture of the social actor.

Smoking pipe

During XVII century, pipe was the main mode of tobacco usage and the symbol of smoking. Pipe was widely spread across Europe, North America as well as other parts of the world. While cigar remained confined to Spain and Portugal, till end of XVIII century [Goodman 2005:62-4]. Smoking pipe made it a ritual usage, something we cannot assign for smoking cigar. And rites represent a sign of advance equalizing civilization. This cultural aspect should be a fair interpretation of pipe preference over cigar [Burns 2007:103].

First pipe manufacture began in London probably in the 1570s and the capital remained a center of this production till middle of the following century. These were a clay pipes. Once established in provincial cities of England, pipe making continued to grow till the first decades of XVIII century. Table 2 covers partial information for the number of pipe makers. However, it shows consistency with the import data reviewed, namely, that around 1650 tobacco in England increased considerably [Goodman 2005:61].

Pipe makers in England, 1630–1700

Years	Number
1630-9	7
1640-9	18
1650-9	30
1660-9	37
1670-9	46
1680-9	61
1690-9	66

The art of pipe workmanship spread from England to other European countries. Most of all, it was Holland but also Germany, Scandinavia, possibly France. Gouda developed as a pipe center in Holland. This craft gave work to 15 000 people which equalized half of the labor force in the city during XVII century. Other cities of pipe production in the country were Amsterdam, Haarlem and Groningen [Goodman 2005:63].

Beside clay pipes, more elaborate ones were also produced, among which silver and ceramic sculptured pipes [Goodman 2005:63].

Horatio Busino, Roman Catholic priest and visitor to England recorded his observations of smoking in London, 1618. He described the following remarkable ritual of the pipe:

“One of the most notable things I see in this kingdom and which strikes me as really marvelous is the use of the queen’s weed, properly called tobacco, whose dried leaves come from the Indies, packed like so much rope. It is cut and pounded and subsequently placed in a hollow instrument a span long, called a pipe. The powder is lighted at the largest part of the bowl, and they absorb the smoke with great enjoyment. They say it clears the head, dries up humours and greatly sharpens the appetite. It is in such frequent use that not only at every hour of the day but even at night they keep the pipe and steel at their pillows and gratify their longings. Amongst themselves, they are in the habit of circulating toasts, passing the pipe from one to the other with much grace, just as they here do with good wine, but more often with beer. Gentlewomen moreover and virtuous women accustom themselves to take it as medicine, but in secret. The others do it at pleasure…” [Goodman 2005:63]

Beside the pipe, another indispensable accessory of the smoker was the tobacco box. It contained not only the tobacco but also flint, steel and ember-tongs for lighting the pipe. The boxes could be produced by common or special materials. The first were made by domestic woods while the second – by nutwood, expensive metals such as silver and copper or exotic materials such as ivory, tortoise-shell and mother-of-pearl. Rather surprisingly, it was the box rather than the pipe that was coveted. Tobacco boxes were used as gifts. They also appeared in the trade between different nations and continents – for instance, the Portuguese imported tobacco boxes in Japan as being a unique article[Goodman 2005:63-4].

Pipe smoking was practiced outside and inside home. Perhaps usage in home was related to healing while the one in the public spaces (taverns first) – to recreation [Goodman 2005:63]. Because of the vast penetration of smoking and enjoyment it created to people from varied nations, pipes are perceived as being a part of clothing or at least indispensable accessories from outfit. Smoking became the most desirable leisure activity in England spanning people from all classes, ages, locations and both genders. There had not been any other so much desirable fashion and pleasure like smoking. It was a huge novelty that provided an undreamed experience. Smoking pipe became a lifestyle across both, nobility and regular people, and a communication means with own language [Burns 2007:26, 28].

Pipe pouch with pipes and tobacco stopper ('Sir Walter Raleigh's tobacco pouch'), England, 1600 – 1680

Inscription: 'Comes meus fuit in illo miserrimo tempore' 'He was my companion during that unhappy time', Heart enclosing initials W.R.and date 1617 The Wallace Collection, London, UK

 

The practice of passing a pipe from one to another exemplifies fashionability and communication capacity of smoking pipe. This is a scene from Greene's Tu Quoque, a usual place for the London’ gallants meet, smoking pipe and saying:

"Please you to impart your smoke?" "Very willingly, sir", says the smoker. Number two takes a whiff or two and courteously says: "In good faith, a pipe of excellent vapor!" The owner of the pipe then explains that it is "the best the house yield", whereupon the other immediately depreciates it, saying affectedly: "Had you it in the house? I thought it had been your own: 'tis not so good now as I took it for!"[Apperson2006:9]

With no doubt, the gallant itself must be the strongest proof of the fashionable aspect of smoking pipe. A marked feature of the English gallants, also called beau, dandy or “swell” was their devotion to tobacco. "To make good faces, to take Tobacco well, to spit well, to laugh like a waiting gentlewoman, to lie well, to blush for nothing, to looke big upon little fellowes, to scoffe with a grace ... and, for a neede, to ride prettie and well" is gallants portrait from the early XVII century. According to customs from that time, when the dandy went to dine, he took out his tobacco accessories and smoked during food serving. He visited the booksellers’ shop, and with pipe in mouth asking for the most recent books about tobacco. Gallants gathered in apothecaries as well as smoking clubs (called tobacconists by smokers) and discussed merits of their pipes and tobaccos. The genuine gallant strived for learning not only in pipes and tobacco but also prices, their changes and most fashionable ways of smoke inhaling and exhaling. This was a kind of knowledge that provided dandies reputation and respect. The Elizabethan I gallants knew the trendiest methods of inhaling and exhaling. And a particular fact of the enthusiasm for tobacco in XVII century was the existence of professors of the art of smoking [Apperson2006:8-11, 16]

Snuffing

When Columbus introduced snuff to Europeans, it appeared mystery to them. Thereby, for a century and a half, the powdered tobacco was rarely used [Burns 2007:120]. In Europe, snuff consumption originated in Spain, manufactured by the Royal tobacco monopoly of the country. In the first half of XVII century, when this usage form started penetrating, apparently it had been particularly widespread among clerics but some other people from the Spanish communities, too. Clerics definitely enjoyed snuffing but there were church rules and bans against its use. For example, a Papal Bull of 1642 clearly prohibited clericals to “take tobacco in leaf, in powder, in smoke, by mouth or nostrils in any of the churches of Seville, nor throughout the archbishopric” [Goodman 2005:67].

Spain was followed by Portugal. In both factories, located in Seville and Lisbon, snuff was a manufactured product – first example of tobacco production beside the processed tobacco prepared for smoking or chewing. A substantial feature and aspect of monopoly of the state factories as in Spain, France, Portugal and Austria was to provide centrally produced snuff [Goodman 2005:67].

SNUFFBOXES – The Rosalinde and Arthur Gilbert Collection on loan to the Victoria and Albert Museum, London(boxes 1, 2, 3, 4 & 5)

Chrysopase box with diamonds, associated with Frederick II, the Great, King of Prussia, about 1765, Berlin, Germany

Box 1

 

Gold box designed by Pierre-Phillippe Choffard, marked 1760 – 1 by Jean Ducrollay, Paris, France

Box 2

During XVII century, Spain and Portugal were the leading manufacturers of snuff in Europe. And by the end of the century, snuff was produced in many other European countries, among which France, Italy, Austria, Scandinavia, Holland and England. The French tobacco monopoly was one of the first that produced snuff centrally. It prepared either the end product snuff or the so called tabac ficele which could be further grounded and finished by consumers. Snuffing became a vogue developing in such a way that made it strongly dominating over pipe smoking – in last decades of XVIII century, snuff production represented more than 80% from 15 000 000 pounds of the total tobacco production in the country. Information for Italy shows that in XIX century, half of the tobacco sales (in Lombardy and Venetia in particular) were snuff. Similar trend pointing out the sweeping of snuff is also evident for Austria and Scandinavian territories [Goodman 2005:67].

Different the situation was with Holland. The Dutch remained passionate pipe lovers but took part on the other hand in snuff manufacture [Goodman 2005:67].

And another salient nation that also switched from smoking to snuffing was the British. Most probably, it happened over the course of XVIII century. Suggested fact proving this change is the decline in the number of pipe makers especially after the middle of the given century. [Goodman 2005:68].

Agate snuffbox, about 1750, Germany

Box 3

If we take a total European perspective, in 1710 Western Europe tobacco consumption is calculated at around 70 000 000 pounds. And toward end of the century, this number had likely reached whole 120 000 000 pounds. While turning it to per inhabitant consumption, we observe a modest increase from around 1 to 1.2 pounds [Goodman 2005:71].

Snuff usage was highly ritualized and very fashionable practice. For the time of XVIII century, it was one of the most prominent features of the royals and privileged classes living. It was a clean and refined practice that did not created repulsive sights like spitting and spittoons and unpleasant smells like the one coming from smoke. Snuff takers had two main devices – the snuff box and the rasp. These however and the box in particular were not only devices but meaningful accessories characterizing the persona – its taste, prominence, social class. Some nobles carried with them little spoons - also expensive works of art. Often they wore the spoons on chains around their necks, ready to be used after getting the snuff [Goodman 2005:71; Burns 2007:120, 122-3].

The snuff boxes originated from the tobacco boxes. These for snuffing though consisted only the powder and thus could be very small in contrast to the tobacco ones. Snuff-box making became a real art. There was a huge variety of designs and sizes made by varied materials. All kinds of metals as well as materials such as ivory, shell and fine porcelain were used in this creation. Knowing this, it should not be surprisingly that artists and artisans were also involved in the work of snuff boxes. Giving a snuff-box as a present, became a sign of glory. At that time, the box accessories were equivalent to jewelry that followed the artistic fashion. Maria-Antoinette had 52 gold snuff boxes in her wedding basket. The Prince of Conti at his death had a collection of more than 800 boxes. The collection of snuff boxes as an activity of aristocracy is another prove for the attachment and high demand of the snuff [Goodman 2005:71-2].

Gold Freedom box awarded in 1809 to Member of Parliament Gwyllim Lloyd Wardle by the City of London, marked 1808 – 9, Paul Strachan, London

Box 4

So-called boÎte à portrait (portrait box) containing the miniature of an Elector with red bow, J.M. Khaetscher, 1690 – 5, Düsseldorf, Germany

Box 5

The passion and artistry of snuff-box making were applied in the preparation of the snuff, as well. It was an elaborate process of humidifying and drying the blend lasting at least 3 weeks before it was ready. The moistening was implemented with liquors containing essences that gave desired flavor and color of the product. Factories but also end consumers preserved very carefully their snuff receipts. If the blender was the end consumer, product preparation took special part in the whole ritual of snuff consumption. We should specify though that the premium attitude towards snuffing and its usage characterized the high classes only. While talking for snuff intended for the mass consumption, it was asimple product – containing just the ground tobacco with no differentiators given by essences [Goodman 2005:72-3]. So, for the royalties the powder smelled nice and taking it, protected them from the many bad odors around them, coming from unwashed people, unsanitary places and others. For aristocracy, Eric Burns mentions another motive for taking snuff, reviewing it as a means for reaching a desired face: ‘’… snuff was the perfect accompaniment to royal snobbery, for the motions that propelled the powder into the sinuses—the curling of the tip of the nose, the flaring of the nostrils, the pushing back of the upper lips and cheeks—were the very motions upon which aristocrats had long been relying to convey the scorn for the masses’’ [Burns 2007:120].

Snuff manufacturers gave names to the various products they obtained. This is how the manufacturers of snuff exactly were the first in tobacco to use the branding – one of the earliest marketing techniques employed [Goodman 2005:97-8].

Following is a Dutch poem explaining the dignified attitude towards snuffing and strict techniques of taking it.

“Blend with a great pump

Two feet backward in space

Gracefully forward again

Now blend without disgrace

According to the manner of the French.

Now take from the pocket of your camisole –

As though you did at the command

Taught you at the French School –

Your snuff-box big, small or middling,

Tap it well-mannered,

Sniff with a noble grace,

Open it quickly,

Offer it to your friend.” [Goodman 2005:73]

Consumption change from smoke to snuff was remarkable in the social history of tobaccoand one that further had important consequences for the future of the plant. Because of this, it worth specifying what fetched that change. There are two reasons – medical and cultural.

The medical one concerns the progress and results of the medical debate on tobacco consumption.

Monardes’ treatise on tobacco was edited several times and widely translated throughout Europe which made it a popular and fashionable work. However, it was the same time inspiration of tobacco controversy that lasted a century at least and was Europe-wide. Many scholars, doctors, moralists, writers and other authorities took part in the great nicotian debate. It concerned a lot of questions but almost generally the debate was carried out within the medical discourse informed by the prevailing Galenic/ Humoral system. Disagreements about tobacco use was mainly focused on its humoral effects and the main participants in the debate divided naturally in two groups – passionate followers of the nicotine therapy due to the wide range of illnesses it can cure and rather hostile disposed as a result of the feel that this therapy is ineffective or even dangerous [Goodman 2005:73-4].

Monardes’ followers insisted on the therapeutic assets of expelling moist humours from the body. Cornelis Bontekoethe, a Dutch doctor who was to tea what Monardes was to tobacco stated that the discovery of tobacco was one of the humanity’s greatest achievements. He upheld the universal use of the plant not only against illnesses butalso alleviating hunger and stimulating the brain. The hostile disposed on the other hand upheld the position that the humoral qualities were dangerous but not efficacious as per the Monardes School and followers. In 1602 the author of the anonymously written pamphlet “Work for Chimney-Sweepers” or “A warning for tobacconists” warned that smoking “withereth our unctuous and radical moisture” as well as led to sperm decay, melancholy, stupefying effects. In 1665 Simon Paulli, a Danish physician and naturalist published a repudiation of tobacco, fully disapproving its usage, preferring to rename it Herba Rixosa or Herba Insana and advocating its complete destruction [Goodman 2005:74-5].

The peak of the nicotian debate occurred in the first half of XVII century. What Monardes never discussed was tobacco use by snuffing it into the nostrils. Snuff was not a subject of the controversy, as well.[Goodman 2005:77].

Louis Ferrant was the first who discussed snuff comprehensively. Following the live questions at that time, he wrote about the medical features of the products as well as tips for its preparation. Probably, it was also Ferrant who began circulating the story of Jean Nicot to have offered a box of powdered tobacco to Catherine de Medici used to alleviate her headache. And next publications definitely strengthen the therapeutic perceptions of the tobacco powder. It was advocated that snuff expelled phlegm through sneezing and that it did not pass into the brain as assumed for the smoke. During XVIII century, the curative qualities of snuffing became so popular that the panacea gospel of smoking tobacco mainly had become transferred to snuffing tobacco. The following narrative of Pere Labat, the intrepid naturalist and traveler indisputably confirms the panacea perception of snuff:

“Heals colds, inflammation of the eyes, involuntary tears, headaches,migraines, dropsy, paralysis, and generally all those misfortunescaused by the pungency of the humours, their too great amount andtheir dissipation from their normal conduits. Nothing is better toincrease the fluidity of blood, to regulate its flow and circulation. Itis an unfailing sternutory to revive those with apoplexy or those ina death trance. It is a powerful relief for women having the pains ofchildbirth; a certain remedy for hysterical passions, dizziness,restlessness, black melancholy, mental derangement. Those who useit having nothing to fear from bad and corrupted air; theplague, syphilis, purpura, one does not have to guard againstapproaching those with popular illnesses that are easilycommunicated. It strengthens memory, it stimulates theimagination. Scholars are never afraid to tackle very abstract anddifficult problems with their nose full of tobacco.” [Goodman 2005:77-8]

As further clarified by Jordan Goodman, the alleged efficacy of tobacco in a powdered form that made one sneeze was a winning combination. Sneezing was perceived very positively. From the classical times for example, Aristotle thought that sneezing was sacred as it comes out from the holy place the head. And Socrates involved sneezing in the process of taking decisions. Sneezing was associated with love, luck, happiness. However, not the same stance shares Eric Burns for whom sneezing had been the most controversial aspect of snuff. Royalties had enjoyed sneezing but ordinary people – had not. The latter feared that they may get physical and mental disorders - their sense of smell would fade, brains would dry out, internal processes upset and others. This is why after sneezing they say ‘’God bless you’’. To the positive side of sternutation, Burns mentions its ability to decrease excessed humours, brighten eyes, whetted appetite and etc.

“Two ladies and an Officer seated at tea” (with detail), about 1715, English School Victoria and Albert Museum, London

Though possibly less elaborate, the use of a snuffbox as a means of wordless communication is apparent in the painting “Two ladies and an officer seated at tea”, which has been interpreted as an accepted marriage proposal: after all she is dipping her hand in his box...

And the cultural reason is related to the changing perceptions of respectable consumption.

Snuff was associated with respectability – a very important feature in the spread of the practice. As also specified in literature, respectability rather than medication was probably the key peculiarity of the success of snuffing and its superiority over smoking. Across nations, this association was mostly perceived in France and the French culture was the one that certainly promoted snuffing with greatest energy. In XVIII century, the French language, mores, fashions were very appealing and spread over Europe [Goodman 2005:79].

For better understanding of the value, we should try to determine the mean of respectability at these times. The British historical sociologist Anthony Smith states that of crucial importance to respectability was:

“An assertion of a person’s moral worth as an individual, as demonstrated primarily by behaviour…anyone could achieve or lose respectable status by his or her behaviour…the essence of the newer idea of respectability was behaviour—something over which an individual had control…the display of respectable behavior constituted a demand [based in part on demonstrated moral worth] for deference from inferiors, acceptance by social peers and respect from superiors—at any social level.” [Goodman 2005:79-80]

Cultural codes reveal us that consumption as a whole became more private and individual practice. What drove the new consumption patterns was the same – shift in status from gentility to individual behavior. For instance, the tea ritual that mostly developed in England and Holland exemplified the mean of respectable behavior. This usage was refined and elegant but not ostentatious. It engendered moderation and suited domestic and private atmosphere. Tea as well as coffee had to be sipped which required an air of respectability and confidence [Goodman 2005:80].

Snuffing fit thoroughly in the new consumption rites of individual behavior. We already know that it was an influential vogue that resulted in a big product variety – snuff was available in different blends and sizes that allowed people to make a choice and expose their individualism. Next is a snuffing ritual that should certainly demonstrate the above statements:

“Each leader of society and the coteries which attached themselves had their favorite snuff, and, in consequence, an extraordinary mingling of scents pervaded each court or ballroom where the well-bred met. In a room where the conversation was punctuated by discreet sneezes, the lady who adored Jassamena [made especially precious to her because of the exquisite box from which she took it] would condescend to take a pinch from the proffered box of the dandy who preferred Orangery. This she would do in the approved manner, whereby a delicate, bejewelled wrist and a well-turned arm would be displayed to advantage, while her companion, on his part, was in perfect position to indicate the handsome rings he wore, without apparent ostentation. This exquisite technique for the correct means of taking snuff was developed by the French mentors of etiquette, to which native touches were given when the habit invaded London,Rome and elsewhere.” [Goodman 2005:80-1]

In contract to snuff, pipe usage was not a refined and elegant practice. It resulted in a considerable amount of expectoration. Because of this, a spittoon or cuspidor was an essential part from the pipe smoking ritual. While it is natural that in the times of respectable behavior, spitting is a sign of disgust and could not be a part of the usage repertoire. Spit was not an outcome of snuffing. It caused sneeze which body reaction had positive associations among royalties. The sneeze even took part in the rites practiced by the high classes. So, the trappings of this tobacco consumer included a delicate handkerchief – another sign of daintiness [Goodman 2005:81].

The materials needed for smoking and snuffing also differed a lot and represented another behavioral difference between the two usage modes. As we already learned, pipe usage required a set of tobacco box, pipe, tobacco, steel, flint, tinder box and other possible. And the snuff set contained more or less just the powder box. So, the pipe materials were not suitable to the XVIII century respectable consumption while these for snuff suited it [Goodman 2005:81].

Chewing

Most historians believe that chewing is the oldest form of tobacco consumption but not spread. It remained marginal mode of usage among Europeans and hence, did not characterize Europe. That way of consumption was practiced by sailors as well as people who worked open-air or at places exposed to fire. For chewing, authorities talk more for its bad side-effects but therapeutic qualities, too. Listed signs to the negative side are taste alter, lips foul, lasting bad odor of the breath, teeth blackening, dirtiness, disgusting sights of spitting and spittoons. While mentioned ones to the positive side are its efficacy in standard humoral term and powers in suppressing hunger [Goodman 2005:65; Burns 2007:109-10].

Across the Amerindian usage patterns, tobacco intended for chewing was mixed with substances like ash or seashells in order to accelerate and intensify the nicotine effect. Europeans imitated the Natives in consumption of tobacco and more particularly, in the case of smoking and snuffing. Concerning chewing, they did not mixed tobacco with alkaline matters and took it directly. Thus, it is a possible reason for the marginal plug use in the European culture [Goodman 2005:66].

Chewing on the other hand was very typical for the Americans – even as late as 1900, it was the most popular mode of tobacco usage in the United States, representing 44% of the total tobacco consumption. Generally, Americans worked in farms, blacksmith shops and factories during the Industrial Revolution, which work types needed free hands. Once taken, the plug don’t require operation until it is used. This made chewing much more applicable than smoking for people who were building a nation entirely. Indeed, with thegovernment of Andrew Jackson, inhabiting the White House from 1829 to 1837 chewing tobacco became a national pastime. For that period, it is inferred that neither the eagle nor the tobacco plant were the US emblems. Instead, it was the spittoon. In the last years of Jackson, spent in his home in Nashville (named the Hermitage) he would be often seen sitting in his rocking chair, thinking and plugging. And today’s visitors of the mansion, still can see the spittoon conveniently placed to the chair. Besides physical reason for chewing, there had been mental one, too. Due to colonialism, British influenced American culture. So, after gaining political independence and peace with England, North Americans fought for acquiring cultural identification and distance with the colonizer. This is why for example, there is a British and American English – writing ‘’humour’’, ‘’centre’’ in British and ‘’humor’’, ‘’center’’ in Amrican. The journalist, historian and film critic Nael Gabler explains the importance of distance as follows: ‘’Europe was everything America was not and should not be: effete where America was earthy, refined where America was natural, intellectual where America was practical, decadent where America was moral’’. In this context, Europe was pipe smoking where America - plug chewing and cigar smoking - starting building identification with cigar first. [Burns 2007:108, 110-15; Goodman 2005: 90].

The library room of Andrew Jackson with showed the spittoon to the chair

Andrew Jackson’s The Hermitage, Nashville, USA

The classic Charles Dickens perfectly explains the chewing tobacco penetration among Americans, seeing chewing and spitting everywhere, in and out doors, at work and free time, among men, women and children, noticing cuspidors more than any other piece of furniture. For his Washington visit he wrote that:

‘’Washington may be called the headquarters of tobacco-tinctured saliva. …In all the public places of America, this filthy custom is recognized. In the courts of law, the judge has his spittoon, the crier his, the witness his, and the prisoner his; while the jurymen and spectators are provided for. …In the hospitals, the students of medicine are requested by notices upon the wall, to eject their tobacco juice into the boxes provided for that purpose. …In public buildings, visitors are implored, through the same agency, to squirt the essence of their quids, or “plugs” as I have heard them called by gentlemen learned in this kind of sweetmeat, into the national spittoons, and not about the bases of the marble columns.’’[Burns 2007:116-17]

Everything related to plug was disgusting to Dickens – the sights, the sounds, the taste, the spittoons given by this usage behavior. The author defines chewing tobacco ‘’as the most sickening, beastly, and abominable custom that ever civilization saw’’. Because of this attitude, one of the plug manufacturers called its brand ‘’Beat the Dickens’’ [Burns 2007:118].

Becoming familiar with snuffing and chewing, we understand that the two usage modes are completely different. This should be a certain reason why their global consumer cultures were so different, too. Snuff represented a European tobacco practice, and plug - an American one. ‘’It was too precious, too dandified, too … unbarbaric’’, says Eric Burns for snuff that was marginal across Americans and did not characterized them. Most perceived it as a luxury commodity for special occasions not suitable to daily use. Some others – as a curative substance, but obviously this snuff perception was not famous and influential enough in this part of the world [Burns 2007:119, 124].

 

It should be fair to conclude that during XVII and XVIII centuries, tobacco was used for both reasons, medicinal and recreational. Many commentators on tobacco consumption at these times were aware that usage was increasing and often warned about the excessive and non-medical take of the plant. Reproach was not about the use of tobacco for recreation but for the fact that the drug was used with no control – taken on one’s own responsibility but rather not being prescribed and tracked by physicians. To keep the body in a humoral balance was the objective and tobacco was clearly perceived as the tool for achieving it. The recreational and medical use were confirming ways of a culturally specific view of the human body. It is impossible though to say which was which. There is little doubt on the other hand that tobacco taking for medical purposes definitely declined in XIX century. The transformation however was neither complete nor fast and took time for the set of new mentality along with medicinal and other sciences developments [Goodman 2005:83-4].

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БАНКОВ, Кристиан. Семиотични тетрадки – уводни лекции по семиотика, част 1, София: Нов български университет, 2001

ДИСКУРСИТЕ на бельото, КРАЕВ, Георг, съст. София: Нов български университет, 2010 Достъп на http://ebox.nbu.bg/unclo10/

APPERSON,G.L. The social history of smoking, Salt Lake City: Project Gutenberg, 2006

BILLING, E.R. Tobacco; Its History, Varieties, Culture, Manufacture and Commerce, Salt Lake City: Project Gutenberg, 2008

BURNS, Erik. The smoke of the Gods – a social history of tobacco, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007

GOODMAN, Jordan. Tobacco in history – the cultures of dependence, Oxfordshire: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005

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Victoria & Albert Museum: https://www.vam.ac.uk/collections/gilbert-collection

Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tobacco

The Wallace Collection:

http://wallacelive.wallacecollection.org/eMuseumPlus?service=direct/1/ResultLightboxView/result.t1.collection_lightbox.$TspTitleImageLink.link&sp=10&sp=Scollection&sp=SfieldValue&sp=0&sp=0&sp=2&sp=Slightbox_3x4&sp=0&sp=Sdetail&sp=0&sp=F&sp=T&sp=1

Andrew Jackson’s The Hermitage: https://thehermitage.com/learn/mansion-grounds/mansion/